HN 64 
.S33 
Copy 1 



RAYS OF LIGHT 



ON THE 



f I 



SOCIAL PROBLEM. 



- B¥ 



A. E. SCHADE. 



And as ye ivould that men should f 
do to you, do ye also to them like- | 
wise. Luke 6, 81. 




I 



X 



MAY 20 



9hC 



RAYS OF LIGHT 



ON THE 



SOCIAL PROBLEM, 



BY 



A. SCHADE. 



q^ And as ye would that men should 

sy do to you, do ye also to them like- 

T^S / ] wise. Luke 6, 31. 

JT 6 



1886. 

German Publishing House, 
991 Scranton Avenue, Cleveland, O. 



lit OS ' 



* 






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<*k 



■J 



Lightnings. 



The perplexities by which Modern Society is embar- 
rassed, are called labor-troubles. An unfortunate expression 
from the beginning. For it conveys the insinuation, that 
for these disturbances the wage worker, especially the for- 
eigner was responsible, as if he had smuggled heretical 
ideas of Socialism into our National life. 

The task devolved upon us, consists in dealing with such 
ideas. The investigation must proceed cautiously, impar- 
tially — still, as we are intending an unbiased self criticism, 
we must be allowed frankness without fear or favor. 

We are in a chronic state of industrial warfare. But 
we cannot stop to servey its forces, facts, figures, although 
it would be worth while to ascertain, how much the clamour 
is exaggerated, which accompanies it, or how much is 
ignored purposely. 

Neither can we expect the consummation of peace 
(desirable as it would be, deplorable also if it meant the 
ruin of either party) we cannot expect it from mictions 
treatices, much less from a plain talk, as this is. 

We dare not flatter ourselves, that in the interest of 
peace an appeal to reason would be of any avail, if the 
laborers just claims are 13 ot considered and satisfied, if that 
prejudice about his inferiority the characteristic of know- 
nothingism, is not discontinued; if he is always made to feel 
it and advantage is taken of it. 

Nor must the other side be denounced continually, if 
sentimental appeals to brotherly love are not recognized, 
as long as prej)osterous exactions are attempted, as long as 
that mistrust against humane intentions of capitalists is 



nourished, that suspicion, which is the shadow of either 
ignorance or of the mischief maker. And surely, harmony 
is impossible as long as that indifference is practiced against 
Bible and Church by both parties, which is the consequence 

Of the DECLINE OF RELIGION. 

All we want, is to signalize the sources of dangers, to 
investigate what impediments are in the way to pacification 
and universal prosperity. This will soon lead us to an 
analytic discernment of the Spirit of our time. 

Since we hold our postulate as undisputed, namely, that 

OUR PRESENT IMPLICATIONS ARE MERELY THE NATURAL RESULT OF 

advanced civilization ; it follows that we have to admit that 
no class deserves all the blame alone, but also that no class 
of men can refute its share of common guiltiness nor 
excape part of its punishment and that every single indi- 
vidual must take active part in personal and social reform. 

By way of introduction, and for the purpose of this 
essay, it will be sufficient to state, that of all the outward 
symptoms of the sickness of our body politic the worst would 
be, if the vital energies were so stupified, as neither to be 
sensitive of the malady, nor to seek a cure for it. But since 
by the recent o])ening of discussion the reaction of health 
is perceptible, we need not pronounce the ca?e a hopeless 
one. 

I would have been glad however, to see the upper grades 
of society represented more numerous at such a lecture as 
i liat of Dr. Gladden. From experience I know, that instruc- 
tion is wanted up there as much as below. 

Nevertheless, we will not augur a bad omen, but rather 
gain (oni'ulence in assuming the fact that all parties con- 
cerned : aristocracy, bourgeoisie and proletarians are 



— 



acknowledging the assertion of the following postulate to 
be true, although formulated by Socialism : Universal 
progress has produced such complications, as require a 
speedy adjustment and the intelligent attention of all, who, 
having the cause of human welifare at heart, are above sus- 
picion of selfinterest. 

Inasmuch now r , as we all are interested, and all avow 
philanthropic inclinations and abhorr the brutal behaviour 
of bad men, it becomes our duty, to shift responsibilities 
and to shun the crisis no longer. Else it is certain, the fruits 
of civilization will be jeopardized first in this most prosper- 
ous nation of the globe, where by virtue of the widest range 
of personal liberty, precautions against a social upheaval 
seemed superfluous. 

The best symptom of convalescence it will be, if we can 
stand a conscientious criticizm of our state of affairs and of 
the undercurrent of Modern Thought ; if we accept the 
situation and accustom ourselves with it as a state of transi- 
tion towards a new epoch of social development, without ven- 
turing to reverse the wheels of progress ; if we become 
clear on the question, whether we will conform matters to 
sound evolution or risk a terrible revolution : and if we 
agree on aod employ the true remedy. 

Right here however the difficulty presents itself, where 
the latter is to be found. Quack devices are numerous. 

There are in the first place the many adherents to the 
Laizzes-faire-policy. Their arguments have become sterile, 
yet they are proposed again and again as doses of soporifics. 
We are told, there is plenty of silver, work more than 
enough even on Sundays, "hands" idle everywhere, bread- 
stuff cornered in immense quantities. Only time is scarce, 



— 6 - 

and good will towards each other. Hence friction every- 
where, all seem to be moved, but by egotism only, until 
the wheels are stopping. ^ 

It would seem advisable, to let well enough alone, not 
provoke an issue, not precipitate an explosion, if it was not 
for the army of malcontents growing rapidly, if in propor- 
tion to the amount of forced idleness, the agility and suc- 
cess of revolutionists was not increasing to an alarming 
extent. Whilst on the one hand cunning schemers know 
how to mystify public observation and to throw it off its 
guard ; whilst oath-bound conspiracies are fastly gaining 
sympathy and meeting encouragement: we are on the other 
hand cautioned to hush up the voice of vigilance. The 
demands of the * 'proletarian" are treated with contempt, 
and the entreaties of the Christian Clergy are ignored here 
and misrepresented yonder. 

Thus the apathy and lethargy, into which higher society 
is lulled, reposing on capital with an after-us-the- deluge-air: 
and the impotency into which a large class of sober labor- 
ers are intimitated, whose common sense is not yet deranged 
by socialism, all this is enough to drive into despondency 
even him, who sees the dangers, knows how much might be 
done and how easely preventative steps could be taken, in 
order to avert further disintegration of the social or- 
ganism. 

It is astonishing, how far antagonism is carried. Both 
classes pretend a studied, artificial unconcern, while it is 
manifest that their own and the general wellfare depends 
on their mutual relationship being normal. 

This policy then, not only futile, but pregnant with 
danger ought to be given up at last and at once. 



Here another doctor introduces himself. It is the 
Social theorizer, quite late after the organizer has adminis- 
tered domestic remedies already. He is skilled in vivid 
descriptions of the contrasts of society life. He mixes his 
social heresiesjwith elements of truth, calculated "to deceive 
those, who received not the love of the truth, that they 
might be saved, but believed strong delusions". He popu- 
larizes and promulgates with dexterity those heterogeneous 
ideas, which false physicians (the pharmakoi of Eevel. 22, 
15) have composed. 

Listen for instance, how Ward in his "Dynamic Socio- 
logy" II. pag. 244, is dispensing poison: "Even if it be 
true, that the battle of Tours decided the question whether 
Mohammedanism or Christianity was to be the prevailing- 
religion of Europe, nevertheless, it was a question of minor 
importance, ^which way that battle was decided. The peo- 
ple of Europe would have been the same people, whether 
they followed a crescent or a cross, whether they worshiped 
in a cathedral or in a mosque." 

As in this quotation religion is despised, so in an- 
other place (pag. 249) the state is held up to derision, by 
comparing it to stockcompanies, and the authority of 
government is made ridiculous by such a sentence: '-There- 
fore, if government could be in the hands of social scientists 
instead of social empirics, it might be elevated to the rank 
of applied science or to the simple application of the scien- 
tific principal of social phenomena." 

Presuming that you are acquainted with Spencers 
philosophy, that you heard of Marx's deductions, that you 
were not too busy to study Wards Dynamic Sociology, then 
you will discern the tendency of such sophistry. By the 



"ifs" these men are making people believe, that the facts of 
real, historical development ought to have shaped themselves 
according to an evolutionists opinion, and that since the "ifs" 
had proved the beneficent result of an overthrow of govern- 
ment and religion, all authority should go into atoms of 
individualism, all civilization be dissolved into barbarism. 

All matters of metaphysical research Ward calls 
superstition, and he is not ashamed of his destructive 
attempts against religion when he asserts pag. 286 ff. "In 
the lower stages of development, when intelligence was at 
its minimum and credulity at its maximum, religion, how- 
ever irrational, could and did stand alone ; but as intelli- 
gence increased and credulity diminished, it begann to feel 
the need of support, which the priesthood, always the most 
astute part of community, succeeded in constructing by 
attaching ethical principles and doctrines to the notice of 
a future state of existence, and elaborating a system of 
future rewards and punishments. Instead, therefore, of 
considering what morality owes to religion, it may yet 
become a question how far natural morality has heen low- 
ered by such an association with supernatural belief." 

"In like manner, instead of considering the elevating 
effect of the contemplation of the attributes of a personal 
anthropomorphic deity, it is a fair speculation how much 
higher the human mind would have risen — had no such 
explanation as a spiritual being or a personal God ever sug- 
gested itself." 

Enough of repeating such blasphemy. It would not 
have been necessary to take the trouble of copying such 
passages from the infidels catechism, if they did not prove 
the connection between Dynamic Sociology and the inscrip- 



— 9 — 

tion in the hall of Coram unists in Paris : "God is the 
enemy of mankind." 

You will now understand my allusion to the manner, 
in which the poison of materialism has been spread ; how 
even those, supposed to be illiterate, talk on their way to 
the factories and in the streetcars about these doctrines, so 
very intoxicating, so purely realistic, so well suited for their 
imaginary or their real grievances — and how scepticism 
is propagated. 

Until recently, materialism under the guise of science, 
was mental diet of a large part of the so called "educated" 
exclusively. But these heartless, soulless speculations have 
leaked through to the so called "masses' 1 . For them they were 
reduced into the vernacular by certain expounders, and they 
have been as prompt in imitating the learned, as servant 
girls show acuteness in copying their mistresses fashions. 

Thus materialism has followed liberalism with a ven- 
geance. It is the repetition of the same process, which 
inaugurated the French Revolution only a century ago. 
Must we suffer it to culminate in another Reign of Terror ? 

State and church are being undermined. A hundred 
thousand copies of anarchistic weeklies now proclaim with 
the fire of enthusiasm the complete overthrow of both, and 
these papers are even accomodated by the XL S. Mail. 

We are helped on in the way of discovery by a story, 
in which a fictitious reporter is enlightened by an agitator. 

I quote it from a pamphlet, published by the Socialis- 
tic Labor Party and recently distributed gratuitously 
among the laboring men, on the very day when I tried in 
vain to buv a book on Socialism in our book-stores : 



— 10 — 

Says the Socialist : "I only state that socialism is not 
anxious to further essentially the overthrow of present 
society, because the current of events is pushing in that 
direction any way. Meanwhile there are left chances 
enough to display a wholesome revolutionary activity. 
This will concentrate itself upon two issues. First, the 
laborers and classes with indentical interests must be organ- 
ized, in order to defend themselves against severer oppres- 
sion. Favorable circumstances must be seized, every oppor- 
tunity must be embraced to take the offensive, to gain 
shorter hours of labor, the prohibition of labor competitors 
under a certain age, the establishment of departments of 
labor-statistics, equalization of wages etc — by means of 
legislation, or what would be still better by direct and 
immediate introduction. To obtain these ends and to 
accelerate the attainments of our final aim in general, every 

APPROPRIATE INSTRUMENTALITY IS RECOMMEND ABLE. 

On all occasions for strife, in this daily fight for rights 
attainable, for these preliminary realizations, the laborer will 
be trained to an apprehension of the final objects. His 
instincts will become sharpened, he will find out, who are 
his true friends, he will get accustomed to the idea that a 
lasting change for the better is only possible by a general 
overthrow of the modern system of society, and he will act 
accordingly. Nothing in the world can then corrupt his 
visions and nullify his efforts. He is animated by the all- 
absorbing thought, of consecrating his whole life to the eman- 
cipation of the laboring class. "Here, the socialist contin- 
ues, is the point where we enter the sb:oonu stage, where 
we apply our lever". 

"When the laborer is ripe lor the appreciation of our 



— 11 — 

designs, we must show him, what is to take the place of the 
old order of things, which he is now ready to root out 
entirely. He will comprehend that quickly. He will see 
the practicability of cooperative organization at once. This 
intelligence is of eminent value, because immediatly after 
the annihilation of the old social fabrik (which may occur in 
many fights on a wnall scale, or in a few but more powerful 
pitched battles) there must be ready a new system and set 
up in working order at once ; so that anarchy may not 
reign to defeat the great purpose. Else occasion for react- 
ionary measures would be given, which must be made 
impossible." 

This is the job, the Labor Federation is trying to 
accomplish. Put any active member of organized labor 
under cross examination, and you will elicit the fact, that 
they are all in harmony with such principles of the Inter- 
national Council, to which every trades-union and secret 
order is tributary. 

If the foregoing should not be sufficient to afford us an 
insight into the various affiliations and dark and deep 
designs of the present amalgamations, in spite of their 
occasional denials and of the artful controversies, tending 
to mystify the bourgeoisie — if the above quotations ar& 
not sufficient, we might quote the definition of cooperation 
from the manifesto of the Laborers Association, held in 
Baltimore 1883 : 

"The state of affairs, which the old political parties try 
to uphold, is obnoxious to the wellbeing of the people. In 
order to abolish this system, and to exchange it for cooper- 
ative production and for a just distribution of labor pro- 
ducts, we demand that all conditions of obtaining a liveli- 



— 12 — 

hood: as soil, implements of industry, all means of 
production, traffic and transportation, must as soon as possi- 
ble, become the common property of the state, that state 
where the laborer rules. In a word, beware of spuri- 
ous imitations. — Neglect no opportunity, no appropriate 
measure to fortify yourselves and your cause, and to weaken 
your enimies." 

Another paper, circulated by the Cincinnati Congress, 
touching the eight hour movement, shows again, how all 
secret labor organizations act in silent concert and give as 
reason for infering to all of them Communism pure and simple. 
It is denied, many laborers are indeed ignorant of the 
identity of their respective organizations with "the beast 
that was and is not and shall ascend out of the bottomless 
pit." The same mystification is practiced now, as in the 
time when it made its first appearance, when Bismark com- 
pared it to the "veiled prophet of Khorassan", whose hide- 
ousness was veiled by imposing drapery. 

The paper referred to is arguing fair enough, but that 
instigators of turbulence are scheming for quite another 
purpose as the eight hour demand, is obvious enough also 
Our disgust must not hinder us to get thoroughly acquain- 
ted with the spirit of such harrangues. 

"To the question, whether the beneficent consequences 
of such a gain would last long, we must answer emphati- 
cally : No! And why not? Because the cursed system 
of capital-production, under which we live and suffer, will 
make every reform, gained under favorable circumstances, 
illusive and void Then again the old course is repea- 
ted, ending in general defeat and annihilation of countless 
existences. So it must repeat itself, if nothing is done to 



— 13 — 

prevent it. If this be so, it may be asked, why undertake 
the battle for the eight hour system ? "Why not at once 
proceed further and take measures, which would reform the 
sad condition presently, more effectively, and with one stroke ? 

"We answer, yes to better the present condition, there 
is no better advice now, than the projected shortening of 
working hours, which will help at least for a few years. 
But to overthrow the present order, that of course is most 
effective, that is after all the only way to solve the problem 
once and forever. " 

"Are you ready for it ? Go ahead, we are with you. 
And a traitor is he, who talks delay or amelioration ! Form 
yourselves into labor legions, furnish yourselves with arms I 
Have you none of them ? Here are the armories of the 
militia cramed full of repeating rifles and war amunition ! 
Throw the police into the gutter, the militia into the rivers! 
Drag the venal politicians and corrupted judges from their 
seats of power ! Chase the hyenas of capital out of town 
and the abject priesthood out of their temples. Go down 
to the mortgaged farmers in the country, put the gun into 
their hands. Complete your connections from city to city I 
Burst the mercenary legislatures, whip the profligate con- 
gress out of the Capitol ! Take possession of the land that 
belongs to you, of the factories, machineries which you 
have created, of the houses, which you have build your- 
selves ! Why hesitate ? Are you not counted by hundreds 
of thousands, by millions? Who can resist you, if you are 
only firm in your determination? Down the Avenues. 
March,, forward march! Allons eniants de la patrie! — " 

"The eight hour day is the lever, by which the giant 
"proletariat" now lying on the ground, suffering the kick- 



— 14 — 

ings of his oppressors, is put upon his feet, so that after a 
while he may be able to use his fists! And then, woe to 
his enemies !" 

This is the way Dynamic Sociology is to be applied, 
Yet, although I found that 70,000 anarchistic papers in the 
German language alone are scattered over the land daily or 
weekly, I trust in the good common sense of the majority, 
who are not jet infected. They will rather believe and be 
guided by a different spirit. They know that such a course 
is not progress but reaction ; they will not commit the 
blunder of the peasants, who in Luthers time mistook Refor- 
mation for Revolution, only injuring their righteous cause 
by their frenzy and retarding the fulfillment of their aspira- 
tions for three centuries. 

As stated in the beginning, we want sound develop- 
ment, no slavery to capital, worse than feudalism, nor the 
tyranny of mobs. Hence we do emphatically discountenance 
such a course of Socialism and kindred spirits as detrimen- 
tal to all progress of civilization, of which we too, know a 
thing or two. Only in times of peace can we prosper, and 
we therefore declare our set purpose that we do not pro- 
pose submission any longer to neither the oppressive domi- 
nance of cold cash nor the terrors of red hot radicalism, 
Both are unendurable ! 

But remember! The friction, occuring in the ma- 
chinery of our industrial system, so highly developed, so 
swiftly rotating, is not all caused by personal malignity ; 
such friction is unavoidable, yet it may and must be miti- 
gated by proper lubrication. 

Let me here, however, interrupt your expectation for that 
beneficent oil, for that olive branch which the dove brings 



— 15 — 

across the uproar, for inserting the statement, that in my 
opinion neither silver nor liquor will yield such ointment. 

Liquor? I hear a protest against such a strange asso- 
ciation of ideas — how can you drag the liquor question 
into the labor controversy? But I am bold enough to 
answer, that I mind to drag the Sunday question in also ! 
You see it pertains to my analysis of the spirit of the times, 
I beg the question, of declining the responsibility for this 
association of ideas. It is not my invention. But I cannot 
help, noticing without intuition the connection w T hich really 
exists. Has not the strife been carried into that field, and 
is it not raging there at this very moment ? Is not the 
"League of Law and Order" met by its spectral image, the 
"League of Liberty and Justice" ? Is not its attitude an 
outrageous insult to Christianity, this source and corner 
stone of morality, when reprimanted, that it ought to be 
meek and thankful for being tolerated at all ? Are not the 
"Spirits of Materialism" (think of them), just as foaming with 
ire in Turnerhall as at the scene of the last strike, in the 
locomotive yard at St. Louis? Do we not witness, dare we 
not testify to the fact, that the war between capital and 
labor for the elevation of the latter, is made a pretext for 
aggression against the fundamental institutions of our social 
system? Indeed, things take a similar shape, as we hear 
the strikers complain of, that their cause is always damaged 
by rascals turning it into an occasion for mobing. 

The modern Abolitionists censure Church rule more 
bitterly even than Class rule. It is acknowledged the world 
over, that American liberty and progress was founded and 
reared by energetic Christian sentiments, and they are 
acknowledged to be the best under the circumstances. 



— 16 — 

If we should concede the justice of censure against an 
assumptive attitude of Christianity for arguments sake, still 
the questions arise : Would the rulership of the masses 
by an autocratic oligarchy of pseudo-laborfriends and the 
government of king Gambrinus constitute a more preferable 
Class rule? And what becomes of the liberty of other people, 
who will not submit to it ? No, let it be known, that we 
want to redeem and maintain the day of the Lord as a holy 
day, not be given up to Mammon nor to Gambrinus. There 
is even among the Germans quite a little host, who are de- 
termined that Sunday belongs rather to the Church than to 
the Saloon. 

Yes we wittness to our surprise, the worst feature of 
all becoming apparent at this conjuncture of communism 
and infidelity. Both agree in their contempt for religion 
— crystallizing into leagues — turning a justifiable discon- 
tent with the anomalies of things into revolutionary 
designs. 

We have pointed out, how systematical those coalitions 
are forming with the outspoken intention to upset Church 
and State commencing with the profanation of the Family by 
the communists, and the Sabbath by the saloonists. 

But it must be remembered that, as it was the case 
with godless science trickling through the strata of society 
downward — so it is here again: The fraternizing schemers 
of intrigues are copying only from high society. Their 
combinations are cut after the pattern of Cajntal compacts, 
they were called forth by the necessity to compete with 
them. 

While thus the friction between capital and labor affects 
the whole system of social life - - we are in danger of having 



— 17 — 

the interests of Church and Capital, of Laborer and Liber- 
tine identified each with the other. But we will guard 
against such logic in due time. 

All we resume for the present is this : The friction is 
heating the whole shaft of transmission in public life 
because the two ever antagonistic views of the world, spirit- 
ual and materialistic, are coming to an issue. And thus 
it will happen, that irreligionists of both camps, capitalists 
and communists, will fight out their egotism to their mutual 
destruction. The faithful however from both ranks, Capi- 
tal and labor, will recollect their brotherhood, having one 
heavenly Father in common, will prosper after the law of 
survival of the fittest if you please, and will make and 
keep peace, and therefore "shall inherit the earth" ! These 
are my views, and they imply a prospect so glorious, that I 
shall not be confused in the least if taken for a religious 
enthusiast ! 

Not understanding such philosophy, our opponents 
will, whilst we are singing hymns of joy and peace, keep 
up the warcry, that government and religion were a nuisance 
to their earthly heaven, put them aside, and the friction 
would cease. It is done in the same old manner, in which 
the apostles were condemned: "These men do exceedingly 
trouble our city — those that have turned the world upside 
down come hither also !" 

Think of it, ye people, who took the oath of naturaliza- 
tion, accepting the hospitality of this country, earning the 
fruits of industry, which was established under unspeakable 
hardships by the ancestors of those you now regard as your 
enemies: should you be so importunate as to complain 
about encroachments upon personal libertv and religious 

*2 



— 18 — 

liberty — confessing at the same moment an utter disre- 
gard and indifference for any religion ! Whose religious 
liberty do you pretend to protect? You are perfectly at 
liberty to turn your rooms into synagogues of . . . "force 
and matter', of fire and water, and to take revolution for 
your religion. But you need not expect of Christians, that 
they will stand idly by, without trying their utmost to frus- 
trate your councils of war. Their high and holy interests 
being at stake, they will protect them at all hazards. 

Yet on the other hand it must be remembered for the 
third time, that in the same manner, as we used to do at the 
instance of the spreading of materialism, and of the parasitic 
growths of capital and labor combinations, we are in this 
instance again obliged to take our share of the guilt and 
punishment of the crimes of family and sabbath desecra- 
tion, for not having kept more precious these only relics 
of paradise. 

We dare not deny that even the so called "better clas- 
ses" are full of scandals, and that we make ourselves par- 
takers at least by not testifying decidedly enough against 
the lust of the flesh and of the world. It is not less a vice 
against the family present and future, when churchgoing 
industrials employ youthful females at nightwork in fac- 
tories, among almost irresistible temptations. That this sin 
comes home to rich parents, when their own children are 
seduced, I hardly need to mention. 

And we must admit that Churchmembers of the indus- 
trial class, some of whom control the existence of thou- 
sands of households, are constantly employing large gangs 
of laborers on the sabbath day, depriving them of their 
only opportunity for mental and spiritual elevation. To 



— 19 — 

excuse such abuse is not our business. God only may 
grant excuse, if you have courage to ask for it of him. 
Industry has encouraged every invention, why has the one 
only been neglected, by which the running of shops on Sun- 
days might be made unnecessary ? Surely a great part of 
desecration of that day of bliss, which God would have en- 
tirely reserved for his service and his blessings, is justly 
reputiated to employers. For this sin also comes home in 
the form of retribution, when the works are lying idle, at 
such seasons, when business should run smoothest. Not to 
speak of the offence given to poor brethern in Christ and of 
the chance given to saloonists to get even with Christian 
Capitalists, twice odious it them, in asking the right for 
similar excuse and claiming the same privilege of running 
their business on Sundays. 

Well after such a survey full of heartburns, we set to 
work different agencies, in order to initiate reforms, to 
stimulate the good tone of public opinion. 

We try moral suasion, local option ; legislate or at 
least lobby against this evil and that ; organize charity and 
subscribe for objects of benevolence ; make speeches, form 
clubs and leagues ; found opposition papers ; form an 
economic association ; some promise to abandon strikes, 
and force upon us arbitration, cooperation ; some council ame- 
lioration; others desire an outbreak the sooner the better, in 
hopes that by crushing opposition they would get rid of it for 
a good while and have things their own way ; some talk 
about protection by U. S. Regulars ; fancying that garri- 
sons in the centres of population, where the materia' s of a 
combustible nature are accumulating, would restrain mutin- 
eers from building barricades ; others are convinced, that 



— 20 — 

only woinensuffrage could save us from the growing* majori- 
ties of foreigners ! Until at last we are all getting tired and 
put in our resignations ! 

O do we really imagine, that either of these measures 
or all combined, well intended as they may be, even if they 
could be carried out successfully, could heal our breaches, 
could save us from an overthrow to the level of equality 
with the basest ? 

No. In view of the possibility of adding fuel to the 
consolidating animosities of class hatred, aside from the 
folly of multiplying divergencies, we should not split our 
energy in the pursuance of problems of a subordinate char- 
acter. 

If we want to save whatever is worth preserving for 
the new era dawning upon us, we dare not go any further 
in such dangerous carelessness, such conceitful selfsecurity. 
The moral horizon is dark enough, without allowing in ad- 
dition to the error of selfdelusion another error to cloud 
our prospects : I mean the fundamental error of selfsal- 
vation ! 

The enmity of all anti-religionists, accelerating in a 
manner so simultaneous and systematic, should point out to 
us, where we derive our strength from, if we had not thought 
of it. After having interrogated antagonists, theorists and 
enthusiasts, having arrived at so many contradictions and 
disappointments, having found that, instead of squandering 
thought, time and money by distracted eftbrds of holding 
outposts, meanwhile nearly neglecting our main position : 
we should at once rally around our banner, shoulder to 
shoulder, without distinction between capitalist and 
laborer! 



— 21 — 

The cross has been victorious time and again in disas- 
ters far more serious than the present commotion. Our 
own platform has triumphed in greater catastrophies and 
upon it we shall outlast the world! 

Our review will not have been in vain, if such a resolu- 
tion is confirmed within us, and if we have profited the 
intelligence, that there is something to REFORM, yea and 
to begin with it honestly: there are many things to REPENT 
of. As human advise is not always reliable and never 
recognized as binding by all, hence not able to give general 
satisfaction at a time, when people "despise dominion and 
speak evil of dignities" ; since it cannot be made more 
evident, that social decomposition, in consequence of the 
epidemic of materialism, can only be counteracted by sound 
Christian ethics; that the social problem can only be solved 
by eternal council ; that the course of human events is dis- 
posed by the Author of Destinies, not always minding the 
proposals of his creatures ; yes, since to us Christians it is 
more than a mere dogma that every attempt to get along 
without or in spite of Christ, or to save humanity by self- 
invented contrivances, is a denial of that confidence and 
obedience, which capitalists as well as laborers owe to him 
alone as our King ; since therefore our conviction is 
strengthened, that all other efforts will prove futile, that 
all we need is wisdom from on high and faith to lay hold 
upon his promises, and faithful performance of duty — why 
then, should we slight the Word of God and not ask, what 
answer the Most Worshipful Master has given upon the 
burning labor question in particular ? 

Have we not discovered that theories of the kind of 
Spencer's principles and Ward's substitutes, and the neglect 



— 22 — 

of the Word were the causes of a decline so pitiful and so 
sudden? Are we too, so shaken by skepticism, that we are 
afraid to enter our solemn protest, not as much against the 
unfortunate strikers as against Dynamic Sociology ? No. We 
will raise protest in the form of a ' Divine Sociology"? The 
seats of danger are signalized. We are amply prepared to 
turn our attention to the only rescue. We will search for 
A biblical Science of Politcal Economy. 



Sunbeams. 



Before this however can help us any, we must consider 
in what way it could be rendered practicable. Objection 
will be raised immediatly against intermingling dogmatical 
subtleties, against clraging religion into the social problem, 
intricate enough already. We shall be accused of ignorance 
with the cyclopian task of reform, if we undertake to 
adjust progress and social discort on the basis of Christian 
ethics. 

But such objections are disarmed by expressions of the 
best minds and must illustrious thinkers of our time. They 
all feel, that just this is the danger of our present crisis: 
Much of public life, the pursuance of industry, commerce 
and society has lost the savor of Christian morals, is not 
permeated and animated by true religion. Even many 
adherents seem to be afraid, but what the power of Divine 
truth had become enervated in common with our whole age 
and generation. 

Should the prediction really be fulfilled now on a large 
scale : "If the salt has lost its savour, wherewith shall (the 
earth) be salted? it is thenceforth good for nothing, but to be 



— 23 — 

cast out and to be trodden under foot of men?" God 
forbid ! 

Fortunately there are such divine statements, which 
can not be discarded as being disputable dogmas, but are 
self evident and plain, so as to become almost underestima- 
ted on account of their simplicity for being too common 
place and lacking the attractions of speculative theories 

And Christian ministers must not be reluctant to em- 
phasize such truths. Indeed if Mr. Foran used biblical 
inferences in an adress to the laborers on the square of 
Cleveland last fall (which means a great deal for a Roman 
Catholic No-Bible-Christian) — if Mr. Jarrett indulged in 
that poor joke on religion, as though God did inspire the 
little boys to throw stones at the "scabs" in the Newburg 
strike several years ago ; if the Chicago Internationalist 
journaPcarries as its motto the Mosaic passage : £ 'An eye 
for an eye and a tooth for a tooth ": then the right must 
be conceded to us to fall back on our Bible ! 

It is the foundation of the civilization of the Caucasian 
race. The degrees of its code of social rights and duties, 
especially its impartiality, notwithstanding the privileges 
given to the poor and to the oppressed, are classic ever so 
much. All the erup'ions of history could not succeed in 
turning them over, they always proved the only reliable 
corner stones in the reconstruction of human affairs. 

Noble efforts have been made, to bridge the chasm be- 
tween progress and poverty, by calling Christian principles 
and biblical truths into play. Why have they been 
abandoned ? 

We are reminded of the plain language of Kingsley 
fourty years ago, when he arraingned the church for having 



— 24 — 

neglected the poor, for becoming a kind of police regulation, 
subservient to the ruling nobility, thereby estranging the 
masses from the influence of the Gospel and of the Church, 
Still Kingsley used that critiscism only to arouse the 
English nation, not disgracing Christianity but maintaining, 
with Guizot of France that the history of her institutions 
is the history of civilization, notwithstanding the mis- 
chieveous entanglements of interdenominational polemics. 

Kingsley at that time supported Maurice in introducing 
Christian Socialism in England. At first he met the fate of 
Moses, who was snubbed by Pharao's arrogance, was insul- 
ted by the artifices of the priests, and rejected by the stupi- 
dity of his own race. Kingsleys sermon about liberty 
equality and fraternity was suppressed and prohibited — 
still his admonitions took roots. All sensible people coin- 
cided with the movement. His services for the good of his 
nation were not only recognized, but they have born fruit 
in neutralizing the elements of English Social democracy 
till the present day. 

Why have people not followed in that direction ? It 
was because in the first place, the Christian Socialists were 
misrepresented. Their motto : liberty etc. was denounced 
as a catchword of partisans, being the phrase of the revo- 
lution it sounded too radical ; although restored to its pro- 
per sense by Kingsley it retained a vulgar flavor. 

Fitzjames Stevens argued, that the believers in religion 
of the fraternity had no solid ground beneath them. He 
points out, that we cannot expect all persons to love 
as brethren and sisters such, who continue to make them- 
selves disagreeable, who identify themselves with sin, 
which moral people dare not cease to hate. He states, that 



— 25 -- 

to him "there seems to be a great deal of selfdeception 
apparent, as to the nature of fraternity ; that the feeling of 
indefinite sympathy, real or affected, was not always deser- 
ving of the admiration claimed for". He says in conclusion 
that the }3rogress of civilization, the growth of wealth and 
physical science, and the general diffusion of comfort would 
not tend to deepen such sympathies. Contrary. It would 
tend to enable each man to stand alone, and to take care of 
his own interest. The human race and its relations w r ere 
becoming so far reaching, their interests so complicated, 
that no one could honestly say, he loved it. You can at 
most fancy that you love some imaginary representation of 
bits of it, "but which, when examined, are only your own 
fancies personified". By such criticism Christian Socialism 
in England was eclipsed. It retired into laborers night 
schools and a college for National economy. It seems to 
revive now, to reappear better equiped, but not yet void 
of too much sentimentalism with classes, who scorn all ame- 
lioration that has a religious flavor. 

We further have observed for the last decade the 
counteraction against German Social Democracy by 
Stoecker, who, like Kinsley, is a courtpreacher. He also, 
moved by devine impulse, demonstrates, that Christianity 
is not restricted to the preaching of the dogmas of spiritual 
salvation, but that it must care as well for the temporal 
wellfare of the oppressed and protect them if possible from 
political seduction. Their suspicion against the Church as 
being auxiliary to oppressive rule must be removed. They 
must be led to see, that she urges her truths impartially 
against the worldliness of the rich in all its force. 

Now, why is Stoecker, the great Socialist, who showed 



— 26 — 

Bismarck the way to State Socialism, why is he also mis- 
understood, persecuted ? Ah, some say his only motive was 
to preserve ecclesiastical prerogatives. Aud why so many 
others became his bitter adversaries, is not difficult to 
ascertain. There is a class of financial adventurers and 
capitalists in Germany, who do not, like the Capitalists of 
America, put their wealth into new industrial enterprises. 
When Stoeckers pen touched their assumptions, they natur- 
ally did not conceal their irritation, and having succeded by 
their shrewdness to get control of the press, they omitted 
no opportunity to scoff at him and to muzzle his mouth. 

Such adverse experiments warn us to start in the right 
direction. They must fortify us against objections, which 
we must expect by reducing Divine Sociology to practice. 
We must not allow our opponents to be our interpreters. 
We must beware against such misconstruction, as labor 
papers put upon expressions of sympathy with the cause of 
honest laborers, making the public believe that the Clergy 
was endorsing their measures, when in fact we do never 
sanction a state within the state, a system of menace, mysti- 
fication and intimidation. Let us not adopt the policy of 
expediency and accomodation of Ludwig XVI, who put the 
red Phrygian cap of liberty on his head in order to keep uj> 
his popularity. Let us not on the other hand coquet with 
capital, inferring such an idea, as was quoted by the 
'•Workman" from a sermon of our city pastors, as though 
the Church would charge capitalists with a "price for her 
indorsement and support." As that price he stated allegi- 
ance to the Golden Rule, but malicious people might easily 
misconstrue it into a suspicious prejudice. And we 
must guard against the wrong impression, as if the 



— 27 — 

Church should engage in the reconstruction of society. 
This would serve to sanction the error of Socialism, which 
consists in the notion, that man was the product of circum- 
stances, and that improvement of individual happiness could 
be accomplished by regulating his environments. If this 
supposition was true, the socialistic theory would be correct, 
and any interference of religion might be demured against. 
But it is false asKev. Strong of Cincinnati says with precision : 
"Socialism attempts to solve the problem of suffering 
without eliminating the facts of sin, to reform society dis- 
regarding the REGENERATION of the INDIVIDUAL." 

For this reason we assert, that the Church, in the sense 
of true Christianity organized, can do more than merely 
move the hands of the clock outwardly, by adapting itself to 
the signs of the times. By its means it creates and culti- 
vates wise^and virtuous sentiments, gives a correct view of 
self, of life and the world, transforms the mind to confor- 
mity with the requirements of unsophisticated happiness. 
But you cannot expect more fraternity from the Christian 
religion but that derived from the Lords prayer : Our 
father ! And it can promise liberty only to tho&e, whom 
the "Son shall make free indeed". If the charge is thrown 
up against the Church of incompetency to fulfill her mis- 
sion, it is only the wrong conception of those, who mistake 
the purpose of the institution altogether. 

This fault I find with Prof. Ely, when he says in a 
letter to the Board of Missions of the Congreg. Church in 
session at Saratoga last summer : "Early in his ministry 
Christ announced that he was send to preach to the poor. 
It seems to me, that Christianity has an immense advantage 
over every form of irreligion in dealing with the poor. It 
appeals irresitibly and naturally to them. Why is it then 



— 28 — 

that our Churches are filled chiefly with well to do, well 
dressed people, while those for whom our religion was spe- 
cially (?) designed, are still left in the highways and behind 
the hedges ? It is as I think, because the church has for- 
gotten her missions ; she has got on the wrong track ; she 
has gone so far out of the way, that through her instrumen- 
tality it is harder for a poor man to be saved, than for a 
camel to pass through the eye of a needle !" 

In refutation of that charge we might argue, that it 
speaks well for the Church when even her earthly blessings 
are visible, of which the poor will surely partake by joining 
it, if they do it not merely for the sake of earthly advantages. 
No church has forgotten that the poor are her treasures, 
that the poor members necessity is the rich mans oppor- 
tunity. Yet we will not excuse the Church. The censure 
we will admit as just in a measure. It will only tend to 
stimulate the Church in putting forth greater efforts to 
annihilate class distinctions within her bounds. But if she 
does, as Stocker in Germany, why does then even Prof. Ely 
infer imjDroper motives to his mode of labor, as though it 
was a trespass from his proper sphere ? 

The Church being a teacher of nations, acting as the 
conscience of humanity, must be careful not to become 
entangled with the offices of the state, not forgetting that 
"the weapons of our warfare are not carnal ." Public wor- 
ship is not so much designed for discussions of topics of the 
times, as for prayer and strictly religious edification ! 

In repeating that the Church as such can not leave her 
province, still her adherents and servants must enter the 
field, where her godly seeds are to be sown. The neglect of 
this is undoubtedly ment by Prof. Ely in the words to 



— 29 - 

which we took reference. Upon the individual Christian 
the duty evolves, after having experienced a true change of 
mind and heart, a true conception of duties towards his 
surroundings, to put such new motives into practice, to 
help as a coworker w r ith God in adjusting disturbed rela- 
tions, in reconciling, pacifying ; to give an example of self- 
denial, sympathy, URBANITY and of that prepossessing 
state of mind, which is becoming a Christian under all cir- 
cumstances ; by which he can best substantiate the truth, 
that happiness pure and simple does not depend on out- 
ward "environments", (to use Spencers language with his 
„if" of "all things being equal"). Thereby he will substantiate ■ 
the truth, and apologize to the honor of Christs Church/ 
that such a frame of mind and such strength for doing 
good is produced now as ever by the mysterious, but real 
and innate power of the religion of Jesus, Thus he will 
best be enabled to put to shame the religion of revolution. 

It cannot be denied, that such people are still active. 
And it will be conceded, that, even if the motives and 
actions of all confessors of Christ were of that nature, there 

WOuld STILL BE LEFT A SOCIAL PROBLEM TO BE SOLVED. Social 

life would still be a school, wherein we all must be trained 
in the exercise of Christian virtue, Christian manhood, 
Christian citizenship ; wherein we would be taught to work 
out, correctly if not perfectly, our lessons of social inter- 
course, forbearance, yea forgiveness. The task would 
remain, proving illusive the visions of either communistic 
or millenial dreams. But it would be made a success with- 
out any retrogression of what the unbelieving socialist is 
afraid, and without the disasters too, which he contem- 
plates. 



— 30 — 

Now since the Cliurch can not descend from pur- 
suing her highest aims, yet she can originate and equip a 
new departure in the line of interdenominational activity. 
In the same manner, as benevolent societies, Y. M. Ch. Asso- 
ciations etc., are organized, so we must soon unite all 
single efforts simultaneously for the initiation of social 
reform by introducing Christian Socialism. Properly gui- 
ded, T am convinced, such organizations of all laborers, not 
only manual but all laborers, would work like a charm. 

For such a step our time is ripe. Whomsoever I ap- 
proached with the idea approves of it, finds it recommen- 
dable. Such an organization of national import would 
develop aud adapt the fundamental bible doctrines, bear- 
ing on social economy, and by it actually adjust the defor- 
mities of existing society. These truths would be made 
more forcible, more illuminous by arranging them into a 
system and would by no means need much artifice of con- 
struction to suit the situation. 

Looking over my old "Eclectics'*, searching for a cer- 
tain article on the problem, which has engaged me these 
twenty years, I found to my astonishment, that to Emer- 
son the same idea had suggested itself. 

To the Senior Divinity class of Harvard University more 
than fifteen years ago he spoke : 

"The evils of the church that now is are manifest. The 
"question returns : what shall we do ? I confess, all 
"attempts to project and establish a new cultus, with new 
"rites and new forms seem to me in vain. Faith makes us, 
"and not we it, and faith makes its own forms. 

"All attempts to contrive a new system are as barren 
as the new worship introduced by the French to the Godess 



— 31 — 

of Reason — to-day pasteboard and filagree and ending to- 
morrow in madness and murder. Rather let the breath of 
new life- be breathed by you through the forms now 
existing. For if you are alive, you will find, that they are 
plastic and new .... The Hebrew and Greek Scriptures 
contain immortal sentences, which have been bread of life 
to millions. But they have no epical integrety — are not 
shown in their order to the intellect. I look for the new 
teacher, who shall follow so far this shining laws, that he 
shall see them come full circle ; . . . . shall see the identity 
of the law of gravitation with purity of heart ; and shall 
show that the Ought, "that duty is one with science, with 
beauty and with joy." 

So I heard an esteemed friend say to another : "Are 
you th^ Moses, that will solve the social problem ? "We are 
only waiting for a leader in the movement." 

Yes why is it so difficult to hitch Christianity to the 
progress of civilization ? It is as Carlyle said, scornfully, 
thirty years ago : "the wealth is enchanted, art is enchan- 
ted, the science is enchanted. Who feel that they are 
really the better for them, give us there names." 

It is your names we want. Are you enchanted too ? 
and the press ? and the pulpit ? all entranced by Dynamic, 
materialistic Sociology ? Even the prophet of Concord will 
look in vain for a new gospel, which will make the progress 
of civilization wholly beneficient. We are the ones, each of 
us, who are waited for, called upon ! 

The shining laws w r ould come full circle fast enough, have 
been ready to do so any time these eighteen hundred years, 
if men would only let them. The teacher who has spoken the 
last and highest word to mankind, is asking our age by 



— 32 - 

suck "vexations, which only teach us to understand the 
report"; as he has asked of the sixty generations of our 
fathers, who have come and gone since his day, the ques- 
tion which goes to the root of all problems of the time and 
of human life in general : "What think ye of Christ ?" 

Let us form such Christian associables as are outlined 
in the supplement or something similar to it ; circles where 
maybe studied and practiced by the rich and the poor those 
maximes which underlie all progress and happiness and 
let us apply them as God commanded through Moses and 
the prophets, Christ and the apostles, that they should be, 
for our own and for our country's sake 

That would be the sphere, where the ethics of old texts 
in a new, systematic manner, as beeing authoritative for 
everybody could not only be brought home to the needs 
of the moment without much exegesis — but where also 
methods could be found for setting them into operation for 
practical ends. 

I am aware of the difficulties ; for it needs wisdom, 
patience, selfdenial, prejudices to be given up, class dis- 
tinctions to be graded level, sneers of irreligionists and 
revolutionists to be endured. Still there are fortunes in it, 
blessings for a much troubled, for a so called civilized 
world. 

Are there really no patriots, who will second the motion ? 



SUPPLEMENT. 



OUTLINES OF A PROPOSED CONSTITUTION FOE A 
NEW LABOR ORGANIZATION. 

Article I. 
NAME : 

Guild-Hall Association. 

Article II. 
PRINCIPLES : 
^_ As the Grand principle that underlies and governs the 
Action of this Body, we accept the following: The relations 
of the different component parts of Modern Society must be 
adopted to the altered condition of things, by the full and 
impartial application of Christs Golden Rule. This alone 
can satisfactorily solve the labor question and all kindred 
problems, and insure the true development of Christian 
Civilization. 

Article III. 

OBJECT : 

1 . Amelioration of the condition of laboring men and of 

the relations between labor and capital, by an association 

of such citizens, as desire to accomplish necessary reforms 

but discountenance the use of revolutionary measures. 

Such amelioration is to be sought by the following 
means: 

2. Adjustment of disturbed relations between fellow 
laborers and between laborers and their employers in cases 
of minor importance by a Standing Committee. 



— 2 — 

3. Redress of serious grievances by creation of Coukts 
of Arbitration, chosen by both parties. 

4 Protection against encroachments upon the right 
of free speech and against intimidation by opponents, be 
they employers or employees. 

5. Material intellectual and moral elevation of labor- 
ing men and their families, by aiding them to acquire 
healthy homes, by furthering rational colonization schemes, 
by influencing legislation in favor of the cause of social 
reform. 

6. Mutual aid in securing work, and material support 
in cases of sickness, accident, and of destitution of widows 
and orphans of members. 

7. By arrangements of cultivating the mind, heart and 
social nature, viz: Publication and distribution of sound 
literature in the interest of the labor cause, pertaining to 
questions of the times, social problems, industrial condition, 
inventions etc ; public discussions, lectures, evening enter- 
tainments ; propagation of true principles, adapted to regu- 
late and develop the relations between labor and capital. 

Article IV. 

ORGANIZATION OF BRANCH-SOCIETIES. 

A. Membership. 

1. We seek to protect this society against subversive 
influences on the part of adversaries not by resorting to 
secrecy under oath, but by dividing its membership into 
different grades. 

2. Members. Every laboring man, who bears a good 
character as a citizen, may become a member, when on pre- 
sentation of his name by a member of the 1st or 2nd grade 
he is accepted by a majority ballot vote of all members 
present at any regular business meeting. 

3. Any citizen who favors the cause of this organiza- 
tion may be received into this society as an honorary mem- 
ber by unanimous viva voce vote. 



— 3 — 

4. First grade of membership: Grandmasters are 
such Masters, as have resided at least ten years iu the U. S. ; 
possess a homestead or equivalent property and are elected 
by two thirds vote of the members of the local branch- 
society. The ratio for the Bench of Grandmasters shall not 
be more than four to every ten voting members. 

5. Second grade: Masters are such members as are 
naturalized (if not native) citizens and have worked at least 
one year in the same shop. 

6. Third grade: Fellows are such voting members 
as are employees above 18 years of age, but lack the require- 
ments of the higher grades. They are elligible only to the 
office of secretaries of local branches and into the Com- 
mittee of Arrangements. 

7. Fourth grade: Apprentices are all sons of mem- 
bers of preceding grades from 15 to 18 years of age, and 
other employees, who are introduced by a member of grade 
Tor II. 

8. The presence of two thirds of the members of each 
the I. and II. grade is necessary to form a quorum for the 
transaction of business. 

B. Officers and their duties. 

It Presiding Grand Master: To be elected from the 
Bench of Grand Masters by a two thirds ballot vote of mem- 
bers of grades I and II present at the annual business mee- 
ting. He presides over the meeting of the Branch and is 
chairman of the Committee of adjustments and of the 
Executive-Committee. 

2. Three "Vice -Presiding Grand Mastets. Elected in the 
same way and at the same time as the Presiding Grand 
Master and perform his duties in his absence according to 
priority of election. 

3. Secretary: eligible from the three upper grades by 
majority ballot vote of the voting membership at the annual 
meeting. He keeps the records and archives of the Society 



— 4 — 

and in case of absence, must send the same to one of the 
Presiding Grand Masters, whereon the actually Presiding 
Grand Master will appoint a Secretary pro tern. 

4 Tteasurer: to be elected in the same way and time 
as the Presiding Grand Masters. He is required to furnish 
security by the Board of Trustees. He has charge of the 
funds of the Branch, makes collections and payments and 
investments by ordre of the Executive Committee ; keeps 
accounts and reports the condition of the Treasury at every 
business meeting, and to the Executive-Committee as often 
as the latter calls for it. 

C. Committees. 
Executive-Committee. 

1. This consists of the Presiding Grand Master and 
three Masters, elected at the annual meeting or in case of 
vacancy occurring, at a special meeting called for the pur- 
pose, of which public announcement must be made two 
weeks before ; by two thirds ballot vote of the voting mem- 
bers present. Three will constitute a quorum. 

This Executive Committee represents the Society as a 
Board of Trustees in all its legal relations ; executes the 
ordres of the society, manages its business affairs, examines 
complaints and also subjects proposed for discussion, and 
decides, whether they shall be presented to the society. 
This Committee alao appoints the Standing Committee of 
Arrangements and the special Committees necessary. 
2. Committee or Adjustments, 

Consists of seven members, elligible two from the bench 
of Grand Masters, two from the Masters, and three 
from Honorary members. Mode of election, the same 
as for Executive-Committee. This Committee will act 
upon matters of complaint, which before must have 
been examined by the Executive Committee, in order to 
give advice to contending parties, and adjust minor 
difficulties between employees, who are members in good 



standing. If decisions of this Committee are not sus- 
tained by a majority ballot vote of members of Grades I 
and II, appeal may be taken to the Court of Arbitration, cre- 
ated by the State Convention, if notice of appeal is given as 
soon as the decision is known to the party aggrieved, and 
reasoEs for complaint stated in writing are filed with the 
secretary of the branch society and with the Chairman 
of the Court of Arbitration inside of four weeks after 
announcement of the decision. 

3. Committee of Correspondence. 
Consisting of five, one from Grade I, two from Grade II 
and III each, to be appointed by the bench of Grand Mas- 
ters. Its duties are: Correspondence with reference to 
interchange of delegates with other branches ; to prepare 
the way for organization of new branches ; to draw up reso- 
lutions of condolence ; to conduct correspondence with em- 
ployers, benevolent societies, regular newspapers in the 
^service of this organization ; to give information and coun- 
cil to those seeking employment ; to secure all printed 
matter of other labor societies ; to correspond with such 
persons, as are desired to deliver free lectures, and with all 
organizations in favor with the cause of our own. All 
papers need to be countersigned by the Presiding Grand 
Mastei* in order to become official documents. 

4. Committee of Arrangements. 
Consisting of two of grades I and II each, two of grade 
III and three or more ladies, appointed by the Executive 
Committee. It is to have charge of all arrangements for 
meetings, festivals, lectures and all social entertainments. 

Article V. 
LOCAL SOCIETIES. 

1. Meetings. 
The local Branch-Societies are called Guilds, and con- 
vene at their, appointed places on each 2nd and 4th Monday 



— 6 — 

of each month at 7.30 P. M. Sessions for transaction 
of business of the Guilds may after adjournment of the 
evening entertainment be called to order by the Presiding 
Grand Master or either one of the Vice Presiding Grand 
Masters, and must be called if any five voting members call for 
such a session by request in writing with the subject specified. 
Otherwise the evenings are spent as the Committee of Ar- 
rangements has arranged for instructive lectures, inter- 
change of views or social entertainments etc. 

2. No meeting shall be held on Sunday. 

3. On the second Monday of each year there shall be 
held a General Convention of each Guild for the purpose of 
reading the reports of the Preciding Grand Masters and of 
the Treasurer, also of the chairmen of the Standing Com- 
mittees, in the order given by the By-Laws. 

Special attention is to be given to propositions, which 
shall be carried to or received from the State Guild. 

The annual elections will then take place and the an- 
nual fees, fifty cents from every member, are to be paid into 
the hands of the Secretary, who will forward them to the 
Treasurer after giving credit for each payment on the roll 
of membership. 

4. This annual General Convention shall also elect by 
ballot majority a number of delegates and alternate dele- 
gates, in proportion of one to every twenty members or 
fraction thereof out of Grades 1st and Ilnd, to represent 
the Local Guild in the State Guild. 

5. Double sets of candidates for all these offices are 
nominated by the Bench of Grand Masters and must be ex- 
hibited at the place of meeting at least two weeks before 
the day of election. 

6. Every Guild may transact its business in a language 
its majority chooses. But the translations of this Constitu- 
tion must be authorized by the General Council. 



Article VI. 
ANNUAL STATE GUILDS. 

1. Are conducted in the English language and consist 
of the delegates of the Guilds, at the rate given § 4, Art. 
V. The officers of the preceding year will constitute a 
committee on credentials and call the State Guild to order, 
as soon as the credentials of a quorum of at least fourty de- 
legates, representing not less than four Guilds or Branch 
Societies are found valid. The officers of the preceding year 
continue in office until their successors are elected. The 
first business after roll call and opening prayer, is the elec- 
tion of officers for the ensuing year. After the election of 
officers the reports of the different Guilds are read, stan- 
ding Committees appointed by the Grand Chair Master 
are announced and miscellaneous business to be acted 
upon. 

2. The creation for a Court of Arbitration is left to 
the discression of the State Guild but after being instituted 
will serve as a Board until the next annual meeting. This 
Board shall have power to decide appeals carried up from 
Guilds in proper order and shall also have power to fill 
vacancies occurring between annual meetings. 

3. The State Guild has power to authorize the forma- 
tion of Guilds or to declare such dissolved by two thirds 
majority. 

4. Alterations of amendments to this Constitution 
may be proposed to the meeting of the Grand Guild only 
by State Guilds. And such shall be binding for all Guilds 
after having received the sanction of the Grand Guild. 

5. The rate of representation of State Guilds in the 
Grand Guild shall be five for each Guild represented in the 
State Guilds. The Presiding Grand Chair Master and 
Grand Secretary of each State Guild are members ex officio 
of the Grand Guild, to which they have to report. 



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6. The first organized Guild in each State shall appoint 
the first place of meeting for the State Guild. 

7. The time for each State Guild shall be the first 
Monday evening in May. 

Article VII. 
THE GRAND GUILD. 

1. Consists of all representatives duely elected by the 
State Guilds It meets biennially at the time and place 
appointed by last congress of the Grand Guild. Time and 
place of the first Grand Guild shall be announced by the 
State Guild first in organized. 

2. Grand Guild shall be called to order after the cre- 
dentials of at least three State Guilds have been found in 
order by the ex officio members (see § 5 Art. VI.) 

3. The officers for the Grand Guild, one Presiding 
Grand Chair Master and as many Vice Preciding Grand- 
masters as State Guilds are represented, one Secretary and 
as many assistant secretaries as languages are represented, 
one Treasurer and one Sargent at Arms are elected always 
by majority ballot vote. 

4. These officers constitute the General Council, 
which shall have power to call Special State Guild conven- 
tions ; to create and superindent organisations for mutual 
aid and also a Committee of Publication ; to inaugurate a 
system of cooperative stores ; to correspond with Boards 
of Arbitration etc. 

5. The General Council shall elect a Committee at in- 
terim, the members of which shall be located near enough 
to each other to enable them to meet frequently. They 
shall act for the General Council, to which they are respon- 
sible. 

Article VII. 
UNCHANGEABLE AKT1CLES. 
Art. I, II. Ill, 1, 4, 5, 6, 7. IV, A. 1.3, 4, 5, 8. IV, 
B. 1, 2. IV, C, 1. V, 2, 6. VI, I, 2, 4. 



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